This does not mean, however, that the American prosecutor's discretionary power should have to remain as broad and uncontrolled as it has traditionally been. In the United States, the fact that the great majority of state prosecutors are elected and thus responsible to the people is widely regarded as sufficient to control their powers. Although this form of control may be useful with respect to overall law enforcement policy, it has little impact on prosecutors' day-today decision-making and on their treatment of individual cases. The American prosecutor's political responsibility, which becomes effective only when and if the prosecutor seeks reelection, thus tends to mask the need for more direct limits on his discretionary powers as well as for controls upon decisions the prosecutor and his or her assistants make in individual cases. Foreign legal systems have developed various mechanisms in that regard. In some countries, statutes explicitly limit prosecutors' discretionary authority, and in many legal systems, the prosecutor is subject to various forms of control by courts, victims, or private citizens.
Restrictions on prosecutorial discretion of course do not exist in a vacuum. Their significance depends not only on the allocation of functions within the prosecutorial system but also on, for example, the general orientation of the criminal process ("truth-finding" versus conflict resolution), the relationship between prosecutors and courts, career structures within the prosecution service, case loads, crime rates, historical background, and popular expectations and conceptions of the criminal justice system. Before one makes changes based on a comparative perspective, one should therefore carefully assess the ramifications such changes may have for the system as a whole: even a slight reduction in the present scope of prosecutorial authority may lead to an unforeseen increase in some other agent's formal or informal powers. Only with that caveat in mind should recommendations be based on foreign ways of organizing prosecution, even when foreign models appear to be promising examples of more predictable and equitable ways of administering criminal justice.
This article focuses on the prosecutorial systems of four European countries: Austria, England, France, and Germany. Each of these countries has developed a different mode of organizing and controlling the prosecution function.
THOMAS WEIGEND
See also ADVERSARY SYSTEM; COMPARATIVE CRIMINAL LAW AND ENFORCEMENT: CHINA; COMPARATIVE CRIMINAL LAW AND ENFORCEMENT: ENGLAND AND WALES; COMPARATIVE CRIMINAL LAW AND ENFORCEMENT: ISLAM; COMPARATIVE CRIMINAL LAW AND ENFORCEMENT: RUSSIA; CRIMINAL LAW REFORM: EUROPE; CRIMINAL LAW REFORM: ENGLAND; CRIMINAL PROCEDURE: COMPARATIVE ASPECTS.
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